By Paul M. Lloyd
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Extra resources for From Latin to Spanish
Linguists of most theoretical schools seem to have accepted this notion without question: the Junggrammatiker, exemplified in the work of Hermann Paul, the schools of European structuralism inspired by Saussure, American descriptivists following Bloomfield, and, most recently the theoreticians of generative phonology headed by Chomsky. Although lip service is frequently paid to the idea that language is a social product, in practice the study of speech has often been limited to the usage of one person, in a written text at that, described as though it represents the language of an entire community.
A very abstract consideration of the basis of the regularity hypothesis is found in Dyen 1963. Dyen’s treatment, however, is based on speculation about “dialect cohesion” rather than on empirical evidence. 11 Pulgram (1955) remarks that “sound law” is a translation of German Lautgesetz in which Gesetz might better be translated as ‘regularity’. Since Gesetz is used in almost all the same contexts as the English word law, it seems an appropriate translation. Useful documentation of the original writings on the topic is found in Schneider 1973 and Wilbur 1977.
Potui ‘ I was able’ was a high vowel. The Spanish reflex pude shows that the first vowel has adopted the high articulation of /i:/. ) 12 For a discussion of the problem of historical “laws” in general, see Gardiner 1952, as well as Dray 1964 and McClelland 1975 (especially the first two sections) and the journal History and Theory. The problem of regularity is one common to history and the social sciences in general, and is due at least partly to the fact that it does not seem possible to predict sound changes, although it could be maintained that if sound change is truly regular it should be possible to make such predictions.